Article Review on The Rhetorical Analysis of Martin Luther King Speech

Introduction Martin Luther King gave great speeches in the 1960’s in America at a time of anti-discrimination on racial lines towards blacks, Asians and Hispanics. The famous speech I have a dream was given in 1963 at a time when there was great turbulence due to racial discrimination.   He gave the speech to an audience of all races with majority of black and white people. His speech I have a dream begins with a note of high positivism. It causes the crowd of people to be motivated about the changes that can happen in the future and not focus on the current happenings. He begins by saying the day marks a great day of demonstration of freedom in the history of America. To plead the black man’s case towards the white majority Luther mentioned Lincoln as a great American. He stresses that the black man is not free yet Lincoln signed the emancipation proclamation. The white people who greatly respected Lincoln were made to ponder the decisions and actions of the white majority. It made them remember that Lincoln had wanted the black men free and equality to prevail. He was able to identify with both races since he spoke of justice and also referred to one of the greatest American leaders at that time. Luther then describes the state the black man is in. He keeps repeating the phrase one hundred years in the second paragraph three times. This emphasizes the length of the duration since Lincoln signed the Emancipation Proclamation and yet no change had happened. He uses imagery a lot in order to show the severity and seriousness of the situation. He says the black man is crippled, chained and mangled by segregation and discrimination. He sees the black man wallowing in poverty yet he is surrounded by the affluence of the white majority. He appeals to the white majority reminding them of the contents of the constitution and declaration of independence. Again he uses imagery to stress his point. He compares these two important documents to a promissory note to all Americans that in America there will be equality one day. He appeals to the humanity and emotions of the majority white using very important aspects of their present life and history. He states that the black people have been given a bad cheque. It reads insufficient funds. Every businessman knows how expensive it is to receive a cheque that bounces. There are charges levied by banks and an individual or business loses their reputation as a result. He uses a lot of metaphors comparing the sun and autumn to the period black men will get freedom. Justice is compared to a bank which cannot go bankrupt like other well known ordinary banks. Segregation is compared to a great dark and desolate valley. He implores the black men to keep fighting until justice prevails. At the same time he reminds and stresses to the white man that there will be rest until justice is given to the black man. He is persuasive even to the white man as he tells him that his freedom will only come when the black’s man freedom is given since their destinies are entwined. He makes the black man hunger for the day of freedom. He emphasizes in the last part of his speech the phrase I have a dream. He makes the people anticipate change and the glorious things it represents. He was able to persuade the black men not to use violence in fighting for freedom. He encouraged them. He actually calls the act of meeting physical force with will power a majestic height. At the same time he does not in any way promote white hatred in spite of what has happened. He tells the blacks that they should not mistrust the white people.   He sees the good in the dire circumstances and encourages the black man not to have any negativity. He actually calls the white new militancy as marvelous yet it has really hurt the black people (Pages, 2010). It has been aggressive and combative but he tells the black not to fight physically but with their spirits and minds. Martin Luther King was a courageous man. He was confident and a fighter. He was also an optimistic and forgiving man. This is shown when he encourages the black men that they should not be bitter or hateful towards the white majority. He was a man of peace. He advocated for peace. He also loved democracy and advocating for human rights. He was a highly intelligent and wise man able to communicate peace to both sides of the population. He was a peacemaker able to move both the whites and blacks to desiring a better future (Nicole, 2010). He presented great logical arguments that were true. Until there was equality and justice in America, the black man would indeed not rest. The laws by which the country operated with were not being adhered to since the constitu tion advocated for the rights of all the people not just the white majority. He also advocated for peaceful demonstration saying violence will not bring any results. This was true since his speech led the way to the Civil Rights Act in 1964. Works cited: Pages, Pensive. A Few Rhetorical Devices in the I Have a Dream Speech. 2010, Web. Smith, Nicole. Rhetoric and Martin Luther King Jr. â€Å"Letter from a Birmingham Jail† and â€Å"I Have a Dream†. 2010, Web.

ESL Tips to Improve Your English Online

Here are some tips to improving English both in how your learn and via the internet. Take It Slow Remember that learning a language is a gradual process - it does not happen overnight. Define Objectives Define your learning objectives early: What do you want to learn and why? - Take this quiz to find out what kind of English learner you are. Choose Well Choose your materials well. You will need reading, grammar, writing, speaking and listening materials - Beginners can use this starting English guide, intermediate to advanced learners can use this continue learning English guide. Change It Up Vary your learning routine. It is best to do different things each day to help keep the various relationships between each area active. In other words, dont just study grammar. Keep Friends Close Find friends to study and speak with. Learning English together can be very encouraging. - Soziety can help you find friends to speak English over the internet. Keep It Interesting Choose listening and reading materials that relate to what you are interested in. Being interested in the subject will make learning more enjoyable - thus more effective. Practice Grammar Relate grammar to practical usage. Grammar by itself does not help you USE the language. You should practice what you are learning by employing it actively. Flex Those Muscles Move your mouth! Understanding something doesnt mean the muscles of your mouth can produce the sounds. Practice speaking what you are learning aloud. It may seem strange, but it is very effective. Have Patience Be patient with yourself. Remember learning is a process - speaking a language well takes time. It is not a computer that is either on or off! Communicate There is nothing like communicating in English and being successful. Grammar exercises are good - having your friend on the other side of the world understand your email is fantastic! Use The Internet The Internet is the most exciting, unlimited English resource that anyone could imagine and it is right at your finger tips. Practice! Practice, practice, practice

Substantial Problems on Industrialization Free Essays

At the turn of the century, a spirit of reform known as progressivism took hold of many American people. Less a united movement than a loose gathering of casual and improbable alliances, progressivism targeted the massive problems of an urban, industrialized nation. In spite of resistance, progressives were able to redefine government†s role in American life, make a serious run for the White House, and ratify such lasting reforms. We will write a custom essay sample on Substantial Problems on Industrialization or any similar topic only for you Order Now In the nightfall of the 1800†³s, many citizens could see that existing efforts to solve the substantial problems of industrialization were failing. The 1880†³s and 1890†³s were filled with lively debates about how to reform society. The ideas of journalists Henry George and Edward Bellamy were among the most popular. In 1879 Henry George had written a book Progress and Poverty in an effort to explain why an advanced civilization seemed to increase rather than eliminate poverty. George proposed to solve this problem by ending taxes on improvements on land, such as housing and cultivation. George proposed just a single tax – on the value of land itself. Such a tax would make a speculation in land less attractive by increasing the cost of holding land without using it. In 1888 newspaper editor Edward Bellamy published a novel called Looking Backward. Incorporated into the novel was the story of a man being hypnotized and waking up in the year 2000. All of the harsh working conditions, social class set backs, and political corruption that existed in 1887 no longer existed. The reason for such a change was that government had nationalized the great trusts and organized industrial management. Socialists, unionists, and city government reformers also had many followers. Progressives realized that the nation†s free enterprise system often could be unfair, but they did not want to lose the high standard of living and personal liberty it had given them, and they deeply feared the violence of revolution. Thus, progressives were faced with the question of how to preserve what was good about the United States while reforming the bad. In order to protect vulnerable citizens, progressives accepted an increased level of government control over areas once considered private, such as housing and healthcare. Florence Kelley became a leader in the search for answers. She soon became a resident in Jane Addams† Hull House in Chicago. Largely through her efforts, in 1893 Illinois passed a law prohibiting child labor, limiting working hours for women, and regulating sweatshop conditions. In 1954 Supreme Court justice Felix Frankfurter said that Florence Kelley â€Å"had probably the largest share in shaping the social history of the United States during the first thirty years of this century. † Driven by the mounting tide of public demand, an inundation of progressive reform programs flowed through local, state, and federal legislatures. Targets for the proposed reforms included politics, society, and the economy. Some reform mayors led movements for city – supported welfare services. Hazen Pingree provided public baths, parks, and, to combat the 1893 depression, a work relief program. â€Å"Golden Rule† Jones opened playgrounds and free kindergartens and built lodging houses for the homeless. â€Å"Nobody has the right to rule anybody else,† he once said. He thought all people would be good if social conditions were good. Progressive governors and state legislators also were active. Governors Robert LaFollette in Wisconsin and Hiram Johnson in California introduced reforms to make government more efficient and responsive to voters. Progressivism appeared at the federal level in labor and industrial relations, in the regulation of business and commerce. By the time Theodore Roosevelt completed his second term in 1909, the government had filed forty – two antitrust actions. The beef trust, Standard Oil, and the American Tobacco Company were either broken up or forced to reorganize. Roosevelt was not antibusiness. He did not wish to destroy trusts he deemed â€Å"good,† or not harmful to the public, he just felt they should be supervised and controlled. The progressive era also gave way to they sixteenth and seventeenth amendments. The sixteenth amendment allowed government to raise more revenue from wealthy people†s income and less from tariffs that hurt the working poor. The seventeenth amendment took the election of senators out of the hands of legislature; voters were thus allowed to play a more direct role in government. By the mid – 1910†³s, progressives could take pride in the many changes they had helped bring about, such as redefining the role of government in business and politics. Some reformers included Henry George, Edward Bellamy, Florence Kelley, and the nation separated as local, state, and federal. The beginning of the war in Europe brought about the end of the progressive era in 1914, by the end of 1916 the reform period of the United States had sputtered out. How to cite Substantial Problems on Industrialization, Essay examples

The Bay Of Pigs Invasion Essay Example For Students

The Bay Of Pigs Invasion Essay The story of the failed invasion of Cuba at the Bay of Pigs isone of mismanagement, overconfidence, and lack of security. Theblame for the failure of the operation falls directly in the lap ofthe Central Intelligence Agency and a young president and hisadvisors. The fall out from the invasion caused a rise in tensionbetween the two great superpowers and ironically 34 years after theevent, the person that the invasion meant to topple, Fidel Castro,is still in power. To underezd the origins of the invasion andits ramifications for the future it is first necessary to look atthe invasion and its origins. Part I: The Invasion and its Origins. The Bay of Pigs invasion of April 1961, started a few daysbefore on April 15th with the bombing of Cuba by what appeared tobe defecting Cuban air force pilots. At 6 a.m. in the morning ofthat Saturday, three Cuban military bases were bombed by B-26bombers. The airfields at Camp Libertad, San Antonio de los Ba?osand Antonio Maceo airport at Santiago de Cuba were fired upon. Seven people were killed at Libertad and forty-seven people werekilled at other sites on the island. Two of the B-26s left Cuba and flew to Miami, apparently todefect to the United States. The Cuban Revolutionary Council, thegovernment in exile, in New York City released a statement sayingthat the bombings in Cuba were . . . carried out by Cubans insideCuba who were in contact with the top command of theRevolutionary Council . . . . The New York Times reportercovering the story alluded to something being wrong with the wholesituation when he wondered how the council knew the pilots werecoming if the pilots had only decided to leave Cuba on Thursdayafter . . . a suspected betrayal by a fellow pilot hadprecipitated a plot to strike . . . . Whatever the case, theplanes came down in Miami later that morning, one landed at KeyWest Naval Air Station at 7:00 a.m. and the other at MiamiInternational Airport at 8:20 a.m. Both planes were badly damagedand their tanks were nearly empty. On the front page of The NewYork Times the next day, a picture of one of the B-26s was shownalong with a pi cture of one of the pilots cloaked in a baseball hatand hiding behind dark sunglasses, his name was withheld. A senseof conspiracy was even at this early stage beginning to envelopethe events of that week. In the early hours of April 17th the assault on the Bay ofPigs began. In the true cloak and dagger spirit of a movie, theassault began at 2 a.m. with a team of frogmen going ashore withorders to set up landing lights to indicate to the main assaultforce the precise location of their objectives, as well as to clear the area of anything that may impede the main landing teams to be added when they arrived. At 2:30 a.m. and at 3:00 a.m. two battalions came ashore at Playa Gir?n and one battalion at Playa Larga beaches. The troops at Playa Gir?n had orders to move west, northwest, up the coast and meet with the troops at Playa Larga in the middle of the bay. A small group of men were then to be sent north to the town of Jaguey Grande to secure it as well. When looking at a modern map of Cuba it is obvious that thetroops would have problems in the area that was chosen for them toland at. The area around the Bay of Pigs is a swampy marsh landarea which would be hard on the troops. The Cuban forces were quickto react and Castro ordered his T-33 trainer jets, two Sea Furies,and two B-26s into the air to stop the invading forces. Off thecoast was the command and control ship and another vessel carryingsupplies for the invading forces. The Cuban air force made quickwork of the supply ships, sinking the command vessel the Marsopaand the supply ship the Houston, blasting them to pieces with five-inch rockets. In the end the 5th battalion was lost, which was onthe Houston, as well as the supplies for the landing teams andeight other smaller vessels. With some of the invading forcesships destroyed, and no command and control ship, the logistics ofthe operation soon broke down as the other supply ships were keptat bay by Castos air force. As wit h many failed militaryadventures, one of the problems with this one was with supplyingthe troops. In the air, Castro had easily won superiority over theinvading force. His fast moving T-33s, although unimpressive bytodays ezdards, made short work of the slow moving B-26s of theinvading force. On Tuesday, two were shot out of the sky and byWednesday the invaders had lost 10 of their 12 aircraft. Withair power firmly in control of Castros forces, the end was nearfor the invading army. Over the 72 hours the invading force of about 1500 men werepounded by the Cubans. Casto fired 122mm. Howitzers, 22mm. cannon,and tank fire at them. By Wednesday the invaders were pushed backto their landing zone at Playa Gir?n. Surrounded by Castros forcessome began to surrender while others fled into the hills. Intotal 114 men were killed in the slaughter while thirty-six died asprisoners in Cuban cells. Others were to live out twenty years ormore in those cells as men plotting to topple the government ofCastro. The 1500 men of the invading force never had a chance forsuccess from almost the first days in the planning stage of theoperation. Operation Pluto, as it came to be known as, has itsorigins in the last dying days of the Eisenhower administration andthat murky time period during the transition of power to the newlyelected president John F. Kennedy. The origins of American policy in Latin America in the late1950s and early 1960s has its origins in Americans economicinterests and its anticommunist policies in the region. The sameman who had helped formulate American containment policy towardsthe Soviet threat, George Kennan, in 1950 spoke to US Chiefs ofMission in Rio de Janeiro about Latin America. He said thatAmerican policy had several purposes in the region,. . . to protect the vital supplies of raw materialswhich Latin American countries export to the USA; toprevent the military exploitation of Latin America bythe enemy ; and to avert thepsychological mobilization of Latin America against us.. . . . By the 1950s trade with Latin America accounted for a quarterof American exports, and 80 per cent of the investment in LatinAmerica was also American. The Americans had a vested interestin the region that it would remain pro-American. The Guatemalan adventure can be seen as another of the factorsthat lead the American government to believe that it could handleCasto. Before the Second World War ended, a coup in Guatemala sawthe rise to power of Juan Jose Ar?valo. He was not a communist inthe traditional sense of the term, but he . . . packed hisgovernment with Communist Party members and Communistsympathizers. In 1951 Jacobo Arbenz succeeded Ar?valo after anelection in March of that year. The party had been progressing witha series of reforms, and the newly elected leader continued withthese reforms. During land reforms a major American company, theUnited Fruit Company, lost its land and other holdings without anycompensation from the Guatemalan government. When the Guatemalansrefused to go to the International Court of Law, United Fruit beganto lobby the government of the United States to take action. In thegovernment they had some very powerful supporters. Among them wereFoster Dulles, Secretary of State who had once been their lawyer,his brother Allen the Director of Central Intelligence who was ashare holder, and Robert Cutler head of the National SecurityCouncil. In what was a clear conflict of interest, the securityapparatus of the United States decided to take action against theGuatemalans. From May 1st, 1954, to June 18th, the Central IntelligenceAgency did everything in its power to overthrow the government ofArbenz. On June 17th to the 18th, it peaked with an invasion of 450men lead by a Colonel Carlos Castillo Armas. With the help of airsupport the men took control of the country and Arbenz fled to theMexican Embassy. By June 27th, the country was firmly in control ofthe invading force. With its success in Guatemala, CIA had theconfidence that it could now take on anyone who interfered withAmerican interests. Maturity EssayThe ensuing incident saw the Cubans firing their guns and thefederal authorities having to convince the local authorities not topress charges. Operation Pluto was beginning to get blown wideopen, the advantage of surprise was lost even this early in thegame. After the initial bombing raid of April 15th, and the landingof the B-26s in Florida, pictures of the planes were taken andpublished in newspapers. In the photo of one of the planes, thenose of it is opaque whereas the model of the B-26 the Cubansreally used had a plexiglass nose,. . . The CIA had taken the pains to disguise the B-26with FAR markings , the agencyoverlooked a crucial detail that was spotted immediatelyby professional observers . . . . All Castros people had to do was read the newspapers and theydknow that something was going to happen, that those planes that hadbombed them were not their own but American. In The New York Times of the 21st of April, stories about theorigins of the operation in the Eisenhower administration appearedalong with headlines of C.I.A. Had a Role In Exiles Plansrevealing the CIAs involvement. By the 22nd, the story isfully known with headlines in The New York Times stating that CIAis Accused by Bitter Rebels and on the second page of thatdays issue is a full article on the details of the operation fromits beginnings. The conclusion one can draw from the articles in The New YorkTimes is that if reporters knew the whole story by the 22nd, it canbe expected that Castros intelligence service and that of theSoviet Union knew about the planned invasion as well. Tad Szulcsreport in the April 22nd edition of The New York Times says it all,. . . As has been an open secret in Florida and CentralAmerica for months, the C.I.A. planned, coordinated anddirected the operations that ended in defeat on abeachhead in southern Cuba Wednesday . . . . It is clear then that part of the failure of the operation wascaused by a lack of security and attention to detail on the part ofthe Central Intelligence Agency, and misinformation given to thepresident. On the international scene, the Bay of Pigs invasion leaddirectly to increased tensions between the United States and theSoviet Union. During the invasion messages were exchanged betweenKennedy and Khrushchev regarding the events in Cuba. Khrushchevaccused the Americans of being involved in the invasion and statedin one of his messages that a,. . . so-called small war can produce a chain reactionin all parts of the world . . . we shall render the Cubanpeople and their Government all necessary assiezce inbeating back the armed attack on Cuba . . . . Kennedy replied giving American views on democracy and thecontainment of communism, he also warned against Soviet involvementin Cuba saying to Khrushchev,. . . In the event of any military intervention byoutside force we will immediately honor our obligationsunder the inter-American system to protect thishemisphere against external aggression . . . . Even though this crisis passed, it set the stage for the nextmajor crisis over Soviet nuclear missiles in Cuba and probably leadto the Soviets increasing their military support for Castro. In the administration itself, the Bay of Pigs crisis lead toa few changes. Firstly, someone had to take the blame for theaffair and, as Director of Central Intelligence, Allen Dulles wasforced to resign and left CIA in November of 1961 Internally,the CIA was never the same, although it continued with covertoperations against Castro, it was on a much reduced scale. According to a report of the Select Senate Committee onIntelligence, future operations were . . . to nourish a spirit ofresiezce and disaffection which could lead to significantdefections and other by-products of unrest. The CIA also nowcame under the supervision of the presidents brother Bobby, theAttorney General. According to Lucien S. Vandenbroucke, theoutcome of the Bay of Pigs failure also made the White Housesuspicious of an operation that everyone agreed to, made them lessreluctant to question the experts, and made them play devilsadvocates when questioning them. In the end, the lessonslearned from the Bay of Pigs failure may have contributed to thesuccessful handling of the Cuban missile crisis that followed. The long term ramifications of the Bay of Pigs invasion are alittle harder to assess. The ultimate indication of the invasionsfailure is that thirty-four years later Castro is still in power. This not only indicates the failure of the Bay of Pigs invasion,but American policy towards Cuba in general. The American policy,rather than undermining Castros support, has probably contributedto it. As with many wars, even a cold one, the leader is able torally his people around him against an aggressor. When Castro came to power he instituted reforms to help thepeople and end corruption, no longer receiving help from the SovietUnion things are beginning to change. He has opened up the Cubaneconomy for some investment, mainly in telecommunications, oilexploration, and joint ventures. In an attempt to stay inpower, he is trying to adapt his country to the new reality of theworld. Rather than suppressing the educated elite, he is givingthem a place in guiding Cuba. The question is, will theyeventually want more power and a right to control Cubas fatewithout Castros guidance and support? If the collapse of pastregimes is any indication, they will eventually want more power. When Castro came to power in 1959, the major opponents inAmerica to him, as with Guatemala, were the business interests whowere losing out as a result of his polices. The major pressure forthe Americans to do something came, not only from the Cuban exilesin Florida, but from those businesses. Today, the tables are turnedand businesses are loosing out because of the American embargoagainst Cuba. It is estimated that if the embargo were lifted, $1billion of business would be generated for US companies that firstyear. Right now, 100 firms have gone to Cuba to talk about doingbusiness there after the embargo is lifted. Will Americanpolicy change toward Cuba because of pressure from businessinterests and growing problems with refugees from Cuba? Given thereasons why the United States got involved in Latin Americanpolitics in the first place, it is very likely that their positionwill change if they can find a face saving way to do so. Americanpolicy at this time though is still stuck in th e cold war, thechairmen of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee Jesse Helms saidthat,. . . Whether Castro leaves Cuba in a vertical orhorizontal position is up to him and the Cuban people. But he must and will leave Cuba . . . . The failure of the Bay of Pigs invasion was caused bymisinformation and mismanagement, the consequences of that was eggin the face for the Americans and an increase in tension betweenthe superpowers at the height of the cold war. We will only have towait and see if the Americans have really learned their lesson andwill not miss another opportunity to set things right in Cuba. BibliographyFedarko, Kevin.Bereft of Patrons, Desperate to Rescue hisEconomy, Fidel Turns to an Unusual Solution: Capitalism. TimeMagazine, week of February 20th, 1995. Internet,http://www.timeinc.com, 1995. Meyer, Karl E. and Szulc, Tad.The Cuban Invasion: TheChronicle of a Disaster. New York: Frederick A. Praeger,Publishers, 1962 and 1968. Mosley, Leonard.Dulles: A Biography of Eleanor, Allen, and JohnFoster Dulles and their Family Network. New York: The DailPress/James Wade, 1978. Prados, John. Presidents Secret Wars: CIA and Pentagon CovertOperations Since World War II. New York: William Morrow andCompany, Inc., 1986. Ranelagh, John.CIA: A History. London: BBC Books, 1992. Rositzke, Harry, Ph.d.The CIAs Secret Operations: Espionage,Counterespionage, and Covert Action. New York: Readers DigestPress, 1977. Rusk, Dean and Richard. As I Saw It.New York and London: W.W. Norton and Company, 1990. The New York Times. 16 April to 22 April, 1961. New York: The NewYork Times, 1961. United States. Central Intelligence Agency. Cuba. Map, 22 by 52cm, No. 502988 1-77. Washington, D.C.: Central IntelligenceAgency, 1977. Vandenbroucke, Lucien S. Anatomy of a Failure: The Decision toLand at the Bay of Pigs. Political Science Quarterly, Volume99, Number 3, Fall 1984.